Fatima Lasay on Thu, 27 Sep 2001 05:02:00 +0200 (CEST) |
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[Nettime-bold] Fwd: America attacked, Wasington razed -- in 1814 |
--- Ferdi Bolislis <archipel@bigfoot.com> wrote: > Date: Wed, 26 Sep 2001 02:10:19 +0800 > From: Ferdi Bolislis <archipel@bigfoot.com> > Subject: America attacked, Wasington razed -- in > 1814 > > Americans Don’t Understand That Their Heritage Is > Itself a Threat > > September 23, 2001 > > By CALEB CARR > > > > > We have heard a great deal of talk to the effect > that the > world will never be the same after the attacks of > Sept. 11, > that we are living in a new reality, and in one > sense this > is true. But this is not the first great and violent > historical turning point that the United States has > faced. > In other words, to put it as Lewis Carroll’s Mad > Hatter > might have, we have been in this new world before. > > America experienced just such a prolonged moment > during our > own Civil War, when not only armies but also > civilians were > slaughtered in horrifying numbers because of a > long-brewing > clash between a dying, slavery-based agrarian > society and a > vigorous, newly industrial modern state. We > weathered > another during the days and years following Pearl > Harbor, > when the majority of Americans had no idea if or > where > Japanese planes might strike again and were later > forced > (as we have lately been) to reckon with enemies who > were > willing to engage in suicidal attacks to achieve > their > purpose. > > Yet perhaps the most immediately pertinent of such > precedents is offered by a much earlier conflict. In > 1814, > the United States was engaged in a bitter war, on > land and > at sea, with the greatest power in the world, the > empire > from which we had originally rebelled: Great > Britain. > > Many analysts of the War of 1812 have tried to > explain it > as an economic or political conflict of limited > importance. > But it would have been hard to convince the American > civilians who suffered what amounted to terrorist > attacks > by ruthless British raiding forces between 1812 and > 1814 > that the conflict was either limited or explicable. > The > British assaults were astoundingly savage: women and > children were mutilated and murdered along with > civilian > men and soldiers in a deliberate attempt to break > the > American people’s will to fight. These efforts > reached > their culmination in the last days of August 1814, > when a > squadron of British ships loaded with soldiers and > sailors > sailed into Chesapeake Bay and up the Patuxent River > with a > terrifying objective: to burn the city of Washington > to the > ground. > > The British force succeeded in this goal. By the > night of > Aug. 24, the White House, the Capitol, the Library > of > Congress and many other buildings emblematic of both > the > newborn capital city and the infant country itself > were > engulfed in flames. The government had been > evacuated at > the last minute, its officers (including President > James > Madison) scattering across the countryside. British > action > against remaining American soldiers and civilians > continued > to be, in many cases, merciless. > > The questions asked by Americans in the aftermath of > this > momentous event were some of the same that I have > heard all > over our city and country in recent days: Why here? > Why > this? > > The War of 1812 had little to do with specific > political > grievances or economic rivalries. It was prosecuted > by the > British because of a deep anxiety over the spread of > American democratic republicanism. Having seen the > bloody > anarchy that had overtaken France during its > revolution and > having watched the United States peacefully and > dramatically multiply its territory through the > Louisiana > Purchase, the British Empire — a stratified society > still > largely controlled by its aristocracy and > constitutional > monarchy — had grown deeply fearful that the spread > of > American-style democratic rebellion would mean not > only > economic competition abroad but also uprisings at > home. In > short, the British gratuitously destroyed important > structures in Washington (and killed many innocent > people) > because those buildings were obnoxious symbols of > American > values whose spread and propagation the London > government > feared would spell the disempowerment of their own. > > The British were right to fear as much, for in time > it was > indeed the rise of the United States that set the > example > for populations in colonies around the world to > seize their > own destinies and put an end to the imperial, > socially > regimented system on which British power depended. > True, in > the 20th century the United States and Britain would > become > allies in order to face the the common enemies of > imperial > Germany and, later, Nazi and Japanese > totalitarianism. > Nevertheless, it was the spread of American values > that put > an end to the colonialism and imperialism that were > the > practical and spiritual lifeblood of the British > Empire. > > Similarly, it is the spread of American values — > individualistic, democratic, materialistic and, yes, > in > many ways crass and exploitative American values — > that > terrorist groups and the traditionalist, socially > repressive societies that support them now fear. > This fear > has driven them to emulate the British forces of > 1814 by > damaging and destroying a group of structures that > are > among the most familiar symbols of contemporary > American > power. > > Thus the why. But why here? Washington is perhaps > understandable, but why New York? > > The engine that runs the juggernaut that is > expansionist > American democratic capitalism (which is the force > that > opens the way for American cultural predominance) is > housed, chiefly, in a comparatively few high-profile > buildings at the southern tip of Manhattan Island. > Americans look (or in the case of the World Trade > Center, > looked) on these buildings as some of the most > distinctive > symbols of all that our city and nation can achieve > and > have achieved. > > Our enemies in this war, by contrast, looked at them > and > saw — still see — the death of their own values, > their own > ways of life, their effective autonomy. Such > perception > breeds both malice and fear. Inside those buildings, > the > people behind this attack believe, is where the end > of the > societies they come from and the values that they > live by > was and is being planned (whether consciously or > not), and > there is where the erosion must be stopped. The > terrorist > obsession with the World Trade Center was, in this > light, > not irrational. In fact it was, viewed in the > context of a > war of cultures, entirely understandable. > > That context must now be fully realized by our side > in this > conflict. We must all match the sudden comprehension > and > bravery of the hijacked passengers aboard United > Airlines > Flight 93, who, realizing that their plane was going > to be > used as a flying weapon of mass destruction, > immediately > rose to challenge their captors, thus sacrificing > their own > lives to prevent a fourth crash that could have > killed > thousands more Americans. > > The people of this country, it has often been truly > said, > have a very bad sense of their own heritage, and New > Yorkers tend to be among the worst offenders in this > area. > We have been known to pull down historic structures > with > remarkably little concern, to crumble and pave over > our > past in order to make way for what we hope will be > an even > more profitable future. But there are moments when > we must > overcome this blind tendency and look to our history > for > both inspiration and solace. We know in our > collective > memory the nature of this struggle; that > understanding must > now move from our subconscious to the very forefront > of our > minds so that we can accept the full dimensions of > the > conflict that will very soon engulf the lives of not > only > New Yorkers and Washingtonians but all Americans. > > Yes, this is war, and in all likelihood it will be a > vicious and sustained one. What our enemies want is > nothing > short of an end to our predominance, and they will > not > forsake terrorism until either they attain that > result or > we make such behavior prohibitively, horrifyingly > expensive. And this worst assault on the United > States in > its history happened in New York City because it > symbolizes > all that those same enemies loathe and fear most: > diversity, licentiousness, avarice and freedom. Now, > as we > go about the process of adjusting ourselves to this > new > world of terrible conflict, we can and must take > heart from > that one seemingly paradoxical historical > observation: both > as New Yorkers and as Americans, we have been in > this new > world before. > > Caleb Carr, a novelist and historian, is a > contributing > editor of ‘‘MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military > History.’’ > > http://www.nytimes.com/2001/09/23/magazine/23TERROR.2.html?ex=1002378721&ei=1&en=6816dbed16c5fc6d > > > > HOW TO ADVERTISE > --------------------------------- > For information on advertising in e-mail newsletters > > or other creative advertising opportunities with The > > New York Times on the Web, please contact Alyson > Racer at alyson@nytimes.com or visit our online > media > kit at http://www.nytimes.com/adinfo > > For general information about NYTimes.com, write to > help@nytimes.com. > > Copyright 2001 The New York Times Company ===== --- Fatima Lasay | fats@hoydigiteer.org | www.hoydigiteer.org Key Fingerprint = 43 5F 55 60 41 54 93 7A 1F 23 0B BF AF FD A1 9B _______________________________________________ Nettime-bold mailing list Nettime-bold@nettime.org http://www.nettime.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/nettime-bold