[Nettime-bold] Violence and arms will not save us; sanity and reason may

[Ed Jauregui <EJauregui@Scient.com>]

Uncommon wisdom from the late Erich Fromm... 
(for more, see http://www.erichfromm.de/english/index.html)

CREDO
(Erich Fromm, Beyond the Chains of Illusions, New York: Simon and Schuster,
1962, pp. 174-182) 

I believe that man is the product of natural evolution; that he is part of
nature and yet transcends it, being endowed with reason and self-awareness. 
I believe that man's essence is ascertainable. However, this essence is not
a substance which characterizes man at all times through history. The
essence of man consists in the above-mentioned contradiction inherent in his
existence, and this contradiction forces him to react in order to find a
solution. Man cannot remain neutral and passive toward this existential
dichotomy. By the very fact of his being human, he is asked a question by
life: how to overcome the split between himself and the world outside of him
in order to arrive at the experience of unity and oneness with his fellow
man and with nature. Man has to answer this question every moment of his
life. Not only - or even primarily - with thoughts and words, but by his
mode of being and acting. 
I believe that there are a number of limited and ascertainable answers to
this question of existence (the history of religion and philosophy is a
catalogue of these answers); yet there are basically only two categories of
answers. In one, man attempts to find again harmony with nature by
regression to a prehuman form of existence, eliminating his specifically
human qualities of reason and love. In the other, his goal is the full
development of his human powers until he reaches a new harmony with his
fellow man and with nature. 
I believe that the first answer is bound to failure. It leads to death,
destruction, suffering, and never to the full growth of man, never to
harmony and strength. The second answer requires the elimination of greed
and egocentricity, it demands discipline, will, and respect for those who
can show the way. Yet, although this answer is the more difficult one, it is
the only answer which is not doomed to failure. In fact, even before the
final goal is reached, the activity and effort expended in approaching it
has a unifying and integrating effect which intensifies man's vital
energies. 
I believe that man's basic alternative is the choice between life and death.
Every act implies this choice. Man is free to make it, but this freedom is a
limited one. There are many favorable and unfavorable conditions which
incline him-his psychological constitution, the condition of the specific
society into which he was born, his family, teachers, and the friends he
meets and chooses. It is man's task to enlarge the margin of freedom, to
strengthen the conditions which are conducive to life as against those which
are conducive to death. Life and death, as spoken of here, are not the
biological states, but states of being, of relating to the world. Life means
constant change, constant birth. Death means cessation of growth,
ossification, repetition. The unhappy fate of many is that they do not make
the choice. They are neither alive nor dead. Life becomes a burden, an
aimless enterprise, and busyness is the means to protect one from the
torture of being in the land of shadows. 
I believe that neither life nor history has an ultimate meaning which in
turn imparts meaning to' the life of the individual or justifies his
suffering. Considering the contradictions and weaknesses which beset man's
existence it is only too natural that he seeks for an »absolute« which gives
him the illusion of certainty and relieves him from conflict, doubt and
responsibility. Yet, no god, neither in theological, philosophical or
historical garments saves, or condemns man. Only man can find a goal for
life and the means for the realization of this goal. He cannot find a saving
ultimate or absolute answer but he can strive for a degree of intensity,
depth and clarity of experience which gives him the strength to live without
illusions, and to be free. 
I believe that no one can »save« his fellow man by making the choice for
him. All that one man can do for another is to show him the alternatives
truthfully and lovingly, yet without sentimentality or illusion.
Confrontation with the true alternatives may awaken all the hidden energies
in a person, and enable him to choose life as against death. If he cannot
choose life, no one else can breathe life into him. 
I believe that there are two ways of arriving at the choice of the good. The
first is that of duty and obedience to moral commands. This way can be
effective, yet we must consider that in thousands of years only a minority
have fulfilled even the requirements of the Ten Commandments. Many more have
committed crimes when they were presented to them as commands by those in
authority. The other way is to develop a taste for and a sense of well-being
in doing what is good or right. By taste for well-being, I do not mean
pleasure in the Benthamian or Freudian sense. I refer to the sense of
heightened aliveness in which I confirm my powers and my identity. 
I believe that education means to acquaint the young with the best heritage
of the human race. But while much of this heritage is expressed in words, it
is effective only if these words become reality in the person of the teacher
and in the practice and structure of society. Only the idea which has
materialized in the flesh can influence man; the idea which remains a word
only changes words. 
I believe in the perfectibility of man. This perfectibility means that man
can reach his goal, but it does not mean that he must reach it. If the
individual will not choose life and does not grow, he will by necessity
become destructive, a living corpse. Evilness and self-loss are as real as
are goodness and aliveness. They are the secondary potentialities of man if
he chooses not to realize his primary potentialities. 
I believe that only exceptionally is a man born as a saint or as a criminal.
Most of us have dispositions for good and for evil, although the respective
weight of these dispositions varies with individuals. Hence, our fate is
largely determined by those influences which mold and form the given
dispositions. The family is the most important influence. But the family
itself is mainly an agent of society, the transmission belt for those values
and norms which a society wants to impress on its members. Hence, the most
important factor for the development of the individual is the structure and
the values of the society into which he has been born. 
I believe that society has both a furthering and an inhibiting function.
Only in cooperation with others, and in the process of work, does man
develop his powers, only in the historical process does he create himself.
But at the same time, most societies until now have served the aims of the
few who wanted to use the many. Hence they had to use their power to
stultify and intimidate the many (and thus, indirectly, themselves), to
prevent them from developing all their powers; for this reason society has
always conflicted with humanity, with the universal norms valid for every
man. Only when society's aim will have become identical with the aims of
humanity, will society cease to cripple man and to further evil. 
I believe that every man represents humanity. We are different as to
intelligence, health, talents. Yet we are all one. We are all saints and
sinners, adults and children, and no one is anybody's superior or judge. We
have all been awakened with the Buddha, we have all been crucified with
Christ, and we have all killed and robbed with Genghis Khan, Stalin, and
Hitler. 
I believe that man can visualize the experience of the whole universal man
only by realizing his individuality and never by trying to reduce himself to
an abstract, common denominator. Man's task in life is precisely the
paradoxical one of realizing his individuality and at the same time
transcending it and arriving at the experience of universality. Only the
fully developed individual self can drop the ego. 
I believe that the One World which is emerging can come into existence only
if a New Man comes into being - a man who has emerged from the archaic ties
of blood and soil, and who feels himself to be the son of man, a citizen of
the world whose loyalty is to the human race and to life, rather than to any
exclusive part of it; a man who loves his country because he loves mankind,
and whose judgment is not warped by tribal loyalties. 
I believe that man's growth is a process of continuous birth, of continuous
awakening. We are usually half-asleep and only sufficiently awake to go
about our business; but we are not awake enough to go about living, which is
the only task that matters for a living being. The great leaders of the
human race are those who have awakened man from his half-slumber. The great
enemies of humanity are those who put it to sleep, and it does not matter
whether their sleeping potion is the worship of God or that of the Golden
Calf. 
I believe that the development of man in the last four thousand years of
history is truly awe-inspiring. He has developed his reason to a point where
he is solving the riddles of nature, and has emancipated himself from the
blind power of the natural forces. But at the very moment of his greatest
triumph, when he is at the threshold of a new world, he has succumbed to the
power of the very things and organizations he has created. He has invented a
new method of producing, and has made production and distribution his new
idol. He worships the work of his hands and has reduced himself to being the
servant of things. He uses the name of God, of freedom, of humanity, of
socialism, in vain; he prides himself on his powers - the bombs and the
machine - to cover up his human bankruptcy; he boasts of his power to
destroy in order to hide his human impotence. 
I believe that the only force that can save us from self-destruction is
reason; the capacity to recognize the unreality of most of the ideas that
man holds, and to.. penetrate to the reality veiled by the layers and layers
of deception and ideologies; reason, not as a body of knowledge, but as a
»kind of energy, a force which is fully comprehensible only in its agency
and effects a force whose »most important function consists in its power to
bind and to dissolve.« Violence and arms will not save us; sanity and reason
may. 
I believe that reason cannot be effective unless man has hope and belief.
Goethe was right when he said that the deepest distinction between various
historical periods is that between belief and disbelief, and when he added
that all epochs in which belief dominates are brilliant, uplifting, and
fruitful, while those, in which disbelief dominates vanish because nobody
cares to devote himself to the unfruitful. No doubt the thirteenth century,
the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, were ages of belief and hope. I am
afraid that the Western World in the twentieth century deceives itself about
the fact that it has lost hope and belief. Truly, where there is no belief
in man, the belief in machines will not save us from vanishing; on the
contrary, this »belief« will only accelerate the end. Either the Western
World will be capable of creating a renaissance of humanism in which the
fullest developments of man's humanity, and not production and work, are the
central issues-or the West will perish as many other great civilizations
have. 
I believe that to recognize the truth is not primarily a matter of
intelligence, but a matter of character. The most important element is the
courage to say no, to disobey the commands of power and of public opinion;
to cease being asleep and to become human; to wake up and lose the sense of
helplessness and futility. Eve and Prometheus are the two great rebels whose
very «crimes« liberated mankind. But the capacity to say »no« meaningfully,
implies the capacity to say »yes« meaningfully. The «Yes« to God is the »no«
to Caesar; the »yes« to man is the »no« to all those who want to enslave,
exploit, and stultify him. 
I believe in freedom, in man's right to be himself, to assert himself and to
fight all those who try to prevent him from being himself. But freedom is
more than the absence of violent oppression. It is more than »freedom from.«
It is »freedom to« - the freedom to become independent; the freedom to be
much, rather than to have much, or to use things and people. 
I believe that neither Western capitalism nor Soviet or Chinese communism
can solve the problem of the future. They both create bureaucracies which
transform man into a thing. Man must bring the forces of nature and of
society under his conscious and rational control; but not under the control
of a bureaucracy which administers things and man, but under the control of
the free and associated producers who administer things and subordinate them
to man, who is the measure of all things. The alternative is not between
»capitalism« and »communism« but between bureaucratism and humanism.
Democratic, decentralizing socialism is the realization of those conditions
which are necessary to make the unfolding of all man's powers the ultimate
purpose. 
I believe that one of the most disastrous mistakes in individual and social
life consists in being caught in stereotyped alternatives of thinking.
»Better dead than red,« »an alienated industrial civilization or
individualistic preindustrial society,« »to rearm or to be helpless,« are
examples of such alternatives. There are always other and new possibilities
which become apparent only when one has liberated oneself from the deathly
grip of clichés, and when one permits the voice of humanity, and reason, to
be heard. The principle of »the lesser evil« is the principle of despair.
Most of the time it only lengthens the period until the greater evil wins
out. To risk doing what is right and human, and have faith in the power of
the voice of humanity and truth, is more realistic than the so-called
realism of opportunism. 
I believe that man must get rid of illusions that enslave and paralyze him;
that he must become aware of the reality inside and outside of him in order
to create a world which needs no illusions. Freedom and independence can be
achieved only when the chains of illusion are broken. 
I believe that today there is only one main concern: the question of war and
peace. Man is likely to destroy all life on earth, or to destroy all
civilized life and the values among those that remain, and to build a
barbaric, totalitarian organization which will rule what is left of mankind.
To wake up to this danger, to look through the double talk on all sides
which is used to prevent men from seeing the abyss toward which they are
moving is the one obligation, the one moral and intellectual command which
man must respect today. If he does not, we all will be doomed. 
If we should all perish in the nuclear holocaust, it will not be because man
was not capable of becoming human, or that he was inherently evil; it would
be because the consensus of stupidity has prevented him from seeing reality
and acting upon the truth. 
I believe in the perfectibility of man, but I doubt whether he will achieve
this goal, unless he awakens soon. 
	Watchman, what of the night?
	The watchman says:
	Morning comes and also the night
	If you will inquire, inquire:
	Return, come back again.
	
	(Isaiah 21)

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